Saturday, September 16, 2023

BAP Atlanta SAYS FREE THEM ALL – Statement on Cop City Indictments

 BAP Atlanta SAYS FREE THEM ALL

Statement on Cop City Indictments


On September 5th, 2023, Georgia's Attorney General Chris Carr issued RICO (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations) indictments against 61 individuals who they allege to be part of a “criminal” conspiracy related to the Stop Cop City Movement.  Many of those indicted face concurring charges related to domestic terrorism or money laundering. 

At the core, these charges are both fraudulent and tyrannical. In the indictment, these charges were indicated as beginning on May 25, 2020 – the day George Floyd was murdered. How can that be anything but a warning shot to not only local Atlantans, but to everybody across the country fighting against police and state terror. Our history tells us that the State, when threatened, will drop all pretense of “rule of law” in order to crush resistance. Our current moment tells us this.

Compared to two years ago, the Stop Cop City Movement has spread far and wide into a burgeoning popular mass movement, no longer confined to the city limits of Atlanta, and our fire is getting bigger and they are doing everything to snuff it out! We must be vigilant if we are to stand against these tried-and-true methods of oppressions. We must be determined in freeing all of the political prisoners created from this struggle. 

And we won’t let anyone off the hook. Reports are saying that the same grand jury used to indict Donald Trump was also used to indict these activists. While we are not distracted by the Trump Trials, this context must be investigated. Therefore one must ask what level of collusion was there between Fani Willis, the Fulton County DA, State AG Carr, and of course the City of Atlanta? Grand juries are selected by prosecutors to virtually guarantee indictments. This must mean the Fulton County DA and State AG agreed to use the same group of people to rubber stamp both the Trump indictments (indicted under the same Georgia RICO statute) and these Cop City indictments.

We will not be distracted from what's happening in front of our eyes. It wasn’t just the Georgia State Patrol who carried out the extrajudicial murder of Manuel “Tortuguita” Teran in the Weelaunee Forest this past January, a murder they continue to cover up in these very indictments! And we can’t forget the City of Atlanta with Mayor Andre Dickens at the helm, spending the better part of his summer trying to sink a constitutional and legal referendum against Cop City with bogus legal challenges, leveraging some of the same legal tactics he slams his Republican opponents for!

The soldiers of the pan-European, patriarchal white supremacist system are in a United Front against Us, the People. It is imperative now more than ever that we strengthen our United Front against them. 

  • BAP Atlanta demands that all charges against Stop Cop City protestors are dropped,

  • BAP Atlanta demands that the Mayor Andre Dickens resign and the City of Atlanta cancel the Cop City lease,

  • BAP Atlanta demands that all political prisoners incarcerated in the state of Georgia be pardoned and released. FREE THEM ALL!

No Compromise, No Retreat!

BAP-Atlanta

bapatl [ at ] blackallianceforpeace [ com ]



Link to online version: https://blackallianceforpeace.com/bapstatements/copcityindictments [Distributed September 13th]


BAP: No to Blackface imperialism. Yes to Haitian Sovereignty.

 Oppose Foreign Intervention In Haiti

No to Blackface imperialism. Yes to Haitian Sovereignty.
 

On August 1, 2023, the United States stated it would “put forward a U.N. Security Council resolution that will authorize Kenya to lead a multinational police force to help combat gangs in Haiti.” While Kenya has offered to deploy a contingent of 1,000 police officers to help train and assist Haitian police, ostensibly to “restore order” in the Caribbean republic,” their proposal is nothing more than military occupation by another name. An occupation of Haiti by an African country is not Pan-Africanism, but Western imperialism in Black face. By agreeing to send troops into Haiti, the Kenyan government is assisting in undermining the sovereignty and self-determination of Haitian people, while serving the neocolonial interests of the United States, the Core Group, and the United Nations.

For the last two years, these imperialist forces have been pushing for further armed intervention into Haiti to forcefully uphold the illegitimate “government” they have installed to maintain their control. The occupying entities of the US, United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), and the Core Group have been desperately searching for any multilateral institution to lead this intervention, be it the UN Security Council, Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), and others. The goal is the continued denial of Haitian sovereignty.  

Haiti’s occupiers, the Core Group and BINUH, along with their puppet government, are incapable of ensuring healthcare, food, security, and access to basic needs for the people. We are told that the interest of the U.S. is humanitarian, that it wants to protect the Haitian people from “gang violence.” But we know that Haiti’s imperial occupiers have created the crisis and have fueled the violence against Haitian people.

The Black Alliance for Peace stands in solidarity with the Haitian’s people’s constant call for disbanding the Core Group, for an arms embargo against the Haitian and U.S. elite who import guns into the country, for the end of support for Haiti’s installed puppet government, and for the reinstatement of the fuel subsidies removed by order of the IMF.  It is curious that the Core Group and US/UN are calling for military intervention while not making calls to build either hospitals or schools, or to build the infrastructure for power and clean water. Yet, BINUH and the Core Group cooperate with the oligarchs who establish monopolistic domination through intimidation and force.

The ongoing occupation of Haiti and calls for increased foreign military presence in Haiti have been justified as the only solution to political or economic crises. Yet, the true ongoing crisis in Haiti is a crisis of imperialism. The country's economic and social situation has reached a critical stage, allowing for  increased political instability.

BAP demands that Kenya rescind their proposal to send 1,000 police to Haiti, and calls on the Kenyan people to join the Haitian masses and radical voices worldwide in condemning the continued occupation and governance of Haiti by the Core Group and the UN.

BAP calls on individuals and organizations in the United States, Canada, and the Caribbean and Central and Latin America, especially those member states of CELAC and CARICOM, to demand that their elected representatives SAY NO to any resolution at present or in the future to militarily intervene in Haiti.

BAP calls on individuals and organizations on the continent of Africa, particularly Pan-African organizations, to denounce African governments participation in present or future armed intervention into Haiti, and demand leaders of their countries seek true Pan-African alliances with the people and grassroots organizations of Haiti, in support of their sovereignty and self-determination – in line with demands of 60+ Haitian civic and social organizations in their letter to the African Union, dated 6 August 2023  (English | Francés).

BAP calls for popular movements in the Americas in support of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) 2014 call to make the Americas region a Zone of Peace.

 

SIGN HERE

 

Call, tweet, and email these demands to: 

Kenya: Ambassador William Ruto 

(202) 387-6101

Email: information [ at ] kenyembassydc [ org ] or complaints [ at ] kenyaembassydc [ org ]

Twitter: @KenyaembassyDC or @ForeignOfficeKE or @StateHouseKenya

 

Jamaica: Ambassador Audrey Patrice Marks

(202) 452-0660

Email: contactus [ at ] jamaicaembassy [ org ]

Twitter: @USEmbassyJA

 

The Bahamas: Ambassador Wendall K. Jones

(202) 319-2660

Email: EMBASSY [ at ] BAHAMASEMBDC [ ORG ]

Twitter: @bahamasembassy

 

CARICOM: CARICOM Secretariat

Turkeyen Georgetown, Guyana

Email registry [ at ] caricom [ org ] or communications [ at ] caricom [ org ]

 +1(592) 222-0001

Twitter: @CARICOMorg

 

UN: UN Secretary-General António Guterres 

(212) 963-7160

Twitter: @antonioguterres

 


No to occupation. No to foreign intervention. No to Blackface imperialism. 

Yes to sovereignty. Yes to a true Pan-African alliance between the people of Haiti and Kenya.  

#HandsOffHaiti



Link to online version: https://blackallianceforpeace.com/bapstatements/opposeblackfaceimperialisminhaiti [Di
stributed August 25th]


Haitian Socialist Regroupment for a New Initiative (RASIN) statement at SIPRAL 27

 THE STRUGGLES OF THE WORKING CLASS AND THE PEOPLES,

AND THE INTER-IMPERIALIST DISPUTES

We must explain why we have chosen to treat the main theme from a different perspective than the one proposed above, without departing from the spirit of the 27th International Seminar of SIPRAL (Seminar Problems of the Revolution in Latin America). To give it more emphasis, we will limit our development to the case at hand, that of Haiti as a theatre of struggle. Therefore, we call our contribution: "The Haitian popular masses and their struggles for their demands."

Although workers' struggles have an international character, we base ourselves on dialectical materialism to say that they are always related to the national specificities of each country. Karl Marx taught us this clearly in the Gotha Programme when he wrote that:

"It is altogether self-evident that, to be able to fight at all, the working class must organize itself at home as a class and that its own country is the immediate arena of its struggle. In so far its class struggle is national, not in substance, but, as the Communist Manifesto says, ‘in form.’  "1

In fact, Haiti is at the crossroads of two imperialist powers, France and the United States of America. And in recent years, Canada has participated as a logistical and complementary support for its large neighbor to the south. If in the past these two powers polemicized and defended divergent interests in order to seize the main national resources, the situation would change during the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

With the occupation of 1915, U.S. imperialism established itself, along with the dominant Haitian puppet cliques, as Haiti's main governing force. This new nation which, thanks to the very bravery of the slave legions, declared itself independent on January 1, 1804, after defeating the most powerful colonial, slave-owning and racist army of the time, that of Napoleon Bonaparte, no longer has a monopoly on its sovereignty. As I wrote in one of my articles in May 2011 "National sovereignty is still at half-mast".

The Haitian masses have never surrendered to the excesses of their reactionary governments.

The Haitian people, always against their successive governments, have never lost their fighting spirit. They have always jealously guarded their right to self-determination. Among other limitations, for example, during the 19th century several U.S. governments attempted to sign a perpetual lease with the Haitian government to make the Bay of Môle Saint Nicolas a coal deposit. Their measure has always been rejected. They had to take advantage of multiple internal and external circumstances so that, on July 28, 1915, they could invade and occupy the country by force in order to satisfy their imperialist ambition. However, this crime would never have been possible without the participation of the country's unpatriotic ruling minority. The invaders took advantage of the pretext of fratricidal struggles between different fractions of the large feudal landlords and compradors to carry out their crimes. They mobilized the peasant masses by offering them seductive proposals in order to come to power. More than one of the different strata of the population took the bait before they were disappointed, and far from establishing calm and peace, as they claimed, the occupation forces formed a prototype of a government that was unsatisfactory for Haitian realities but corresponded to their own interests. They defeated the indigenous army that emerged from the War of Independence and created their own army, a true watchdog of their advantages.

1 Marx in "Critique of the Gotha Programme", FLP Peking, 1972, p. 20.

Today, this army, after its dissolution by former President Aristide who came out of exile in 1994, has been replaced by a police force that plays the same role. It is this model that remains dominant to this day; a model that the popular majority has never accepted.

The Yankees were not and never will be welcome here. They were met by the guerrillas of Charlemagne Péralte in 1916 [DS note: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlemagne_Péralte ; October 10, 1886 - November 1, 1919, assassinated]. At the head of a guerrilla group made up mainly of members of the poor and middle peasant class, these fighters fought with obsolete firearms or almost unarmed for more than two years against this rising power. This peasant guerrilla against the US occupation lasted 5 years, from 1915 to 1920, and diminished after the assassination of Péralte and Benoit Batraville. It should be noted that petty-bourgeois intellectuals, professionals, trade unions and students also fought against the occupation, although this struggle had a different rhythm and temporality in relation to peasant struggles. This resistance has been fierce, determined and admirable. One of the immediate consequences of the imperialist invaders was the expulsion of the peasant masses from their lands for the benefit of the US capitalist multinationals. They were violently proletarianized in order to create surplus value in enterprises such as the Dauphin plantation in northeastern Haiti and the sugar factories of Cuba and the Dominican Republic. The racist white soldiers, whose vast majority were originally from the South, as usual without ethics, used the most mischievous tricks to put an end to the popular resistance, but without being able to destroy its spirit.

The second major guerrilla, which manifested itself during the years 1968-1969, was that of the Unified Party of Haitian Communists (PUCH), during the dictatorship of François Duvalier. This was also savagely suppressed by the Tontons Macoutes, the military and the CIA. Their goal was not only the end of the dictatorship, but also the building of a socialist society.

How to talk about the class struggle in Haiti?

If we mention these first two great struggles, one of which was identified as anti-imperialist and the other more complete, which had socialism as its ultimate goal, this does not mean that other forms of resistance never existed. The class struggle in our country has a special character because it has never been led by the proletariat. This particular character is not only due to its numerical weakness, as quality could be transformed into quantity, to quote Engels in "The Dialectics of Nature", provided that conditions were met. Among the obstacles that have been raised against the development of the national proletariat, we can cite the persistence of the various dictatorships that have succeeded each other in the course of our history, some of which were more ferocious than others, such as that of the Duvaliers, which lasted 30 years. Dictatorships also helped paralyze the proper development of progressive trade unions. There are several trade union federations. With some rare exceptions, such as that of Batay Ouvriye (Workers' Struggle), which is a left-wing organization, they do not espouse a left-wing ideology. Since the symbolic departure of the occupiers in August 1934, all successive governments have united with great tenacity against communism. Revolutionary parties always developed clandestinely until the fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier on February 7, 1986. Systematic anti-communist repression also greatly damaged the formation of unions close to the working class. This is one of our revolutionary tasks at the moment.

However, the Haitian masses have never surrendered to the atrocities of these reactionary governments. All the struggles that have been waged to overthrow reactionary governments have had an anti-imperialist character, because these governments have always been conceived in the laboratory of the U.S. embassy. If the working class is inevitably the ruling class of any socialist revolution, for the moment it is the masses of people as a whole who constitute the driving force of the anti-government battles and, therefore, of anti-U.S. struggles. We cannot fight our reactionary powers without associating them with their de facto boss, US imperialism and its ambassador, who behaves like a proconsul.

It is in this perspective that we, the Socialist Regroupment Party for a National Initiative of Tou Nèf (RASIN), declare that the Monroe Doctrine is still in force in Haiti. The following example alone can help us understand this statement.

"On Thursday, January 10, 2019, at the OAS, Haitian diplomacy, by order of former President Jovenel Moïse, voted in favor of the United States but against the legitimacy of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. The latter won the support of the majority of his people in an election, which resulted from an electoral system recognized even by former President Jimmy Carter as one of the best in the world. This system may be more reliable than that of the United States of America, which began to reveal its weakness with the election of the second Bush and the current Donald Trump. This infamous act consisted of a double violation: that of trampling on the internationalist principle of the founders of the Haitian nation-state and that of not having the minimum decency in politics to remember the benefits of a power that supported your government while the international community mocks you to the fullest extent of the term.

"This act has also demonstrated, once again, an obvious truth: the irreducible subjection of the traditional Haitian political class to US imperialism and the incoherence of the current leadership team. Haiti's ambassador to Caracas, Lesly David, officially participated in President Maduro's inauguration, while her colleague, Mr. Leon Charles, Haiti's representative to the OAS, voted against the Bolivarian revolution on behalf of the same Haitian head of state, who had recognized the victory. of President Maduro in May 2018, less than a year ago."1 This infamy is based on the logic of the Punta del Este vote of the Duvalierist dictatorship.

The vote of Punta del Este.

"On January 13, 1962, in Uruguay, at the seaside resort of Punta del Este, the Haitian vote of shame took place. The Organization of American States, OAS, or to put it better, the U.S. government, needed one more voice to get socialist Cuba out of this diplomatic tool founded in 1948. It is an instrument created by U.S. power to breathe new life into the Monroe Doctrine. That is why it has always been placed almost exclusively at the service of U.S. capitalist interests. The blackmail of dictator François Duvalier to sell his vote is further proof that the internal is decisive in conflicts, even with foreign powers. The sinister Papa Doc, who did not smell sweet to President Kennedy, made the support of his government conditional on financial aid. He resisted all the pressures of the U.S. diplomat Dean Rusk until he found what he was looking for, money for his power. The Alliance for Progress, founded the previous year by President Kennedy to block the road to communism, had brought him nothing. In reality, however, his primal anti-communism placed him closer to U.S. than to the Cuban revolution, as President Kennedy well knew. To defend his immediate interest, Duvalier was able to make a display of his determination to be independent. Anthony Georges-Pierre, who has always been a faithful Duvalierist, stated the following:

"On this occasion, President Duvalier had kept two irons in the fire. In condemning the communist regime in Cuba, he sided with the United States. By criticizing U.S. economic aid policy to Haiti, he took advantage of favorable circumstances to fight back and demand more reasonable U.S. assistance. The OAS rostrum in Punta del Este offered him an extraordinary opportunity to defend the Haitian cause and force the United States, in a gesture of solidarity, to open their wallets to poor Haiti."23

1 Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé. La doctrine Monroe est toujours en vigueur en Haïti (The Monroe Doctrine is still in effect in Haiti). Article published in Haiti Liberté of January 30 to February 5, 2019

2 Anthony Georges-Pierre “François Duvalier Titan ou tyran” (“François Duvalier Titan or tyrant” 2nd edition. Printed in Educa Vison Inc., p. 771

3 Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé Jr. – Ibid

The inter-imperialist conspiracy under the leadership of the CORE GROUP

Today, the country is under the control of an association of foreign embassies known as the CORE GROUP. The CORE GROUP is like a union of the most powerful embassies in the country, and brings together Canada, France, Germany, Spain, Brazil, the OAS, the United Nations and the European Union under the leadership of the United States of America. This association even gave itself the authority to appoint the country's presidents, as was the well-known case of Michel Martelly in 1910. The former representative of the United Nations Secretariat, Ms. Lalime, of U.S. origin, congratulated herself at a United Nations Assembly for having united the gangs that today besiege Port-au-Prince, the capital, and other parts of the country, committing the most heinous crimes .

Since the installation of this coalition of embassies, the popular masses have never ceased to mobilize against the reactionary governments and the foreign forces that support the latter in all their unconstitutional measures. As we pointed out earlier, the masses have initiated different forms of struggle in search of their well-being. Even if, for the reasons we have considered, these struggles have not been carried out under the leadership of the working class, they nevertheless have a class character. The various peasant organizations have always opposed the landowners, such as Têt Kole Ti peyizan Ayisyen and Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP). They claim the land for those who cultivate it. The working class, in addition to strikes within the assembly plants, often demonstrate in the streets demanding better living conditions. These demonstrations have always been savagely repressed, often resulting in deaths. Unfortunately, these struggles are not coordinated and remain very sectoral. This is one of the immediate tasks of the revolutionary parties. In more oriented protest movements, the masses, in a broad popular alliance, shout anti-U.S. slogans, in demonstrations supported by the revolutionary left, sometimes gathering several thousand people, even when these demonstrations were planned against the power in place.

The activists who claim to be left-wing are very numerous. But for reasons that must be studied on another occasion, they are content to live isolated from each other. However, for some six years many efforts have been undertaken to unify certain currents of the revolutionary left. We meet under the name ''Group of Five – RASIN, AKAO, Kontra Pèp, Ayiti Djanm, Gwoup Rezistans Benoit Batraville”. This effort is not limited. The regroupment is in negotiations with ASO to reach unity, without forgetting the peasant federations and the women’s associations of the left. The great perspective must be the task of the Haitian revolutionary left to unite to form a real force to accompany and nurture the popular masses, to participate in the transformation of their anti-U.S. instinct into a revolutionary consciousness.


Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé

Secretary General


Camille Charlmers

Spokesperson


August 17, 2023


Revolutionary Communist Party of Uruguay statement at SIPRAL 27

I received some translations of reports or statements made at the 27th International Seminar Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, usually held yearly in Quito, Ecuador, but meeting online this year, September 1-2.  The RCP of Uruguay was founded about 50 years ago, in December 1972:  pcr.org.uy/



Political situation


After three governments of the Frente Amplio [Broad Front], a front led by social democracy, revisionism (PCU) and social populism (MPP, of former President Mujica), a coalition of the traditional right and the fascist ultra-right has governed since March 2020, which won the 2019 elections by 1.5%.

The National Party of President Lacalle Pou leads the coalition; it includes the Colorado Party of former President Sanguinetti, Cabildo Abierto of retired General Manini Ríos, an ultra-right party with a military leadership very committed to the defense of the fascist military dictatorship and its crimes; the PI, Independent Party, a social democratic party, and the People's Party of the liberal right. It is noteworthy that Cabildo Abierto has 20% of the parliamentary seats of the coalition and weighs decisively on all issues.


What the three Frente Amplio [FA] governments did and did not do


  1. The Law of Impunity was not repealed, very little progress was made in Truth and Justice and Manini ended up being promoted as the commander-in-chief of the army, an oligarch and member of a fascist lodge.

  2. Salaries – The FA took over after the crisis of 2002 when salaries had fallen by 40% and there was no rapid increase in wages; the wage level was regained only after 10 years, but at the cost of sharp conflicts of the workers and not by government decrees

  3. IMF-External Debt-TPPI – This was immediately agreed with the IMF. The debt multiplied by 3 in 15 years and implied accepting the conditions they imposed, including not investing in OSE (state waters), for example, and giving perks to agribusiness, forest monocultures and soy plantations. They approved the Irrigation Law, promoting private dams, with disastrous consequences. On December 28, 2005 the TPPI (investment protection treaty) was signed with the Yankees with whom a Free Trade Agreement was even attempted.

  4. Earth – In 2005, the first year of the government, the largest foreign takeover and concentration of land in history occurred in one year. The Minister of Agriculture was Mujica. After 15 years most of the land was in foreign hands.

  5. Privatizations-PPP-Outsourcing – Attempts were made to keep the water privatized in Maldonador despite the successful plebiscite. Progress was made in privatizations and PPP (public-private partnerships) that created with them a hidden debt and huge businesses for financial capital.

  6. Tax Reform – They promised to remove the tax on salaries and they put it on the IRPF [Personal Income Tax] paid by 80% wage earners and the IASS [tax on pensions] to retirees, while there are US $3,000 million tax exemptions a year for big capital. The Value Added Tax is 22%, one of the highest in the world.

  7. Social Security - the AFAP [Pension Fund Management Companies], which profits from the contributions of the workers and takes finances from the BPS (state social welfare bank), was maintained. Most pensions are miserable.

  8. Papeleras – The establishment of paper mills, UPM 1, Montes de Plata was promoted and authorized and committed to UPM 2.

  9. Industry – The process of deindustrialization of the country continued. The few factories rescued after the crisis were supported by Chávez.

  10. Health – There is still one health-care system for the rich and another for the poor.

  11. Education – It is far from reaching 6+1% of GDP as was promised.

  12. Corruption – There were important cases of corruption – PLUNA (state airlines), ANCAP (state fuel), State Casinos, etc.

    The current right-wing coalition government

    A few days after taking office, it decreed the contraction of the state budget by 15% and that only 1 in 3 vacancies be filled in much of the state. Then there was a five-year National Budget, with strong fiscal adjustment. From there and with the excuse of the pandemic, a generalized salary reduction for more than 3 years.

    It is a government that went full steam ahead against the people and immediately promoted the LUC, Law of Urgent Consideration, with almost 500 articles that are largely repressive and punitive, limiting the right to strike, prohibiting occupations and pickets, with a great attack on public education.

    Faced with this law, there was a great popular battle in the streets, with strikes, mobilizations and a Referendum against 135 articles, for which 800,000 signatures were achieved and then with 1,078,000 votes, losing by 1.5%.

    The reactionary onslaught continued in each of the annual budget accounts and with the approval of the reactionary Social Security Reform, which in reality is only a pension reform, which increases the required retirement age from 60 to 65 years and obligatorily extends the AFAPs to all savings banks and all workers regardless of the amount of their salary.

    The AFAPs are a system of individual pension savings and imply a real emptying of the BPS (state), of US $1,200 million per year that come out of the contributions by the workers under this capitalist-imperialist system that imposes more and more job insecurity and super-exploitation. The reactionary chorus then speaks of the BPS's supposed deficit of $600 million annually.

    The AFAPs are a real scam at the service of financial capital that was imposed by the conditions of the IMF and other imperialist agencies. They were eliminated in most of the countries where they were established when it was seen in practice that they do not provide services other than pensions and that in the vast majority of cases these are very low.

    This government has deepened its dependence on Yankee imperialism and acts as a battering ram of its policy in the region and on the continent, permanently attacking Cuba and Venezuela as dictatorships and at the same time promoting an FTA with China, which has been the main buyer of U.S. exports: meat, soy and cellulose in recent years. It is a government that conceded a monopoly of loading and unloading of containers in the port of Montevideo to the Belgian company Katoen Natie for 50 years. It carried out the establishment of a second plant of the Finnish paper company UPM, taking charge of the state of a railway, road and bridge infrastructure for US $4,000 million. It is advancing the privatization of public companies, breaking up the Portland plants, and part of the fuel supplies in ports and airports, today in the hands of the ANCAP [National Administration of Fuels, Alcohols and Portland]; the same is happening with the state electric power company UTE and the telephone company ANTEL. With OSE, the state water company, a negotiation was approved with the construction monopolies, in the midst of the water crisis, the Neptune project to pump water of the Río de la Plata, which is questioned by scientists, environmentalists and the workers' union, because it implies privatization and the place of the occupation, Arazatí, has high levels of salinity and pollution.

    Economic situation

    Due to the crisis furthered by the pandemic, GDP fell sharply in 2020, the first year of the current government, by -6.1%, there was a recovery of 5.3% in 2021 and 4.9% in 2022, mainly due to the high prices of the main export products, meat, soybeans and pulp and construction works. of UPM2 and the great infrastructure that surrounds it.

    In the last two quarters of 2022, a slight technical recession was reached and a poor GDP growth of 1.3% is expected for this year. This reflects the "normalization" of international prices, the serious effects of the drought that mainly affected soybeans, a large drop in meat exports due to the drop in purchases from China and the end of the aforementioned works. In the first half of 2023, soybean exports fell -76% and beef exports -32%. In 2022, the main export destinations were China (29%), the European Union (15%), Brazil (14%), Argentina (9%) and the USA (5%).

    A factor that is greatly influencing the national economy is the backwardness of the economy, with a dollar that depreciates against the peso and artificially increases the production of goods and services in the country. The basis of this problem is in the issuance of bonds in UI (indexed units), in Uruguayan pesos that adjust for inflation and also pay high interest, which favors the speculative business. What successive governments have been doing with the argument of combating inflation in fact subsidizes all types of imports and permanently increases the public debt.

    Global public debt is around $50 billion and about $20 billion in interest. To this we must add the indebtedness concealed by the PPP [Purchasing Price Parity. The GDP forecast at the end of this year 2023 is US $73,000 million.

    In these years exploitation has increased, the percentage of submerged wages of less than $25,000 covers 33% of workers, about 550,000. 75% of workers do not reach the average family basket [of necessary goods], which today is $124,000, about US $3,100. There has been an increase in job insecurity, outsourcing and self-employment, much of which is "informal", covering some 350,000 workers.

    Poverty has increased, there are 650 irregular settlements where some 250,000 people live and with the pandemic popular pots have become widespread.

    The current workers' and people's struggles

    March 8 – National strike of 24 hours by Women of the PIT-CNT (labor federation).

    March 23 – Partial General Strike from 9 a.m. to 1 p.m. against the government's reactionary pension reform.

    April 25 – 24-hour National General Strike against the Social Security Reform, the day it began to be voted on in Parliament.

    June 27 – Partial General Strike, 50 years after the Fascist Military Coup in commemoration of the heroic 15-day General Strike, carried out by the CNT in 1973.

    August 22 – Partial General Strike for wages, in defense of public companies and solidarity with those in conflict.

    Between January 1 and June 30, 2023, 60 labor disputes were registered in which 1,198,385 workers were involved. In the month of June there was an increase in sectoral conflict that was more than double that of the previous month and the highest figure in this period of government. This is explained by what happened mainly in construction and education.

    The struggles of the workers have been making their way despite the hegemony of opportunism in the leadership of the PIT-CNT, in a year in which a reactionary pension law was approved, the annual Budget Accountability is under parliamentary discussion, the last of the period, and the 10th Round of the Salary Councils. To this is added the struggle for drinking water, given the water crisis and very important conflicts in the unions of public companies (MSCE) against privatizations and for personal income.

    The class struggle currents have been advancing in influence and coordination in the Coalition of Trade Unions, and their weight has been decisive in achieving the general strikes and also in the launch of the Social Security plebiscite underway.

    Plebiscite for Social Security

    On August 10, in the Representative Table of the PIT-CNT, won an important victory by achieving a majority in its plebiscite proposal. The text proposed by ATSS (BPS workers) had the support of the class point of view, that of our party and that of the UP. The campaign to collect the required 300,000 signatures is already being prepared and then for the 1,200,000 votes needed in October 2024, together with the national elections. A constitutional reform is proposed to maintain the retirement age at 60 years, set a minimum retirement equal to the national minimum wage and eliminate the AFAP.

    The Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR) and the Popular Unity (UP)

    The center of gravity of the mass work of the PCR, which commemorated its 50th Anniversary in December 2022, is in the labor movement and the unions, its members are part of the Class Trade Union Current. At this stage, we are fighting for a democratic, agrarian and anti-imperialist revolution in uninterrupted march to socialism.

    Since the end of the dictatorship in 1985, we joined the work in the Base Committees of the Broad Front, within the radical left. In 1989 we participated in the founding of the MPP (Popular Participation Movement), with the MLN-Tupamaros and other organizations. We were there until 2001 when the right-wing line of Mujica and Huidobro took over the leadership.

    From there we continued in the FA to try to defeat the traditional right and make an advanced popular experience, which was achieved in 2004. In 2005, due to the government's agreements with the IMF and other measures already mentioned, we withdrew from the FA and in 2006, together with the March 26 Movement and the Left Current, we founded the Popular Assembly, today Popular Unity.

    The UP, with a consistent anti-imperialist program, won one deputy in the 2014 elections, with 27,000 votes, which we could not maintain in 2019. We persisted for 17 years and prepared for the battles of the plebiscite and the elections of 2024.

    International situation

    The international situation shows a sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions whose center is the imperialist war of aggression of Russia in Ukraine, with the increasing involvement of Yankee imperialism and NATO and the growing danger of a third world war. The use of nuclear weapons is increasingly possible if the situation were to escalate.

    This situation is taking place in a context of international economic crisis that was enhanced by the Covid 19 pandemic, and changes in the relations of forces of the imperialist countries. Yankee imperialism remains the main power in terms of its economic, political and military power, but it is in decline and in a multipolar world where Chinese imperialism is seriously contesting for hegemony and the BRICS is being enlarged.

    The imperialist powers are once again resorting to war and the arms industry to get out of the crisis and divert the class struggles within their countries. There is an alarming and generalized growth of ultra-right and fascist parties and organizations in the imperialist countries and also in Latin America.

    At the same time the proletariat and the oppressed peoples of the world have been developing very important struggles, confronting the adjustments against the wages and budgets for health care, housing and education for the people, and reactionary laws such as the reform of social security and those that limit the right to strike, with which international finance capital seeks to place the crisis on the backs of the workers.

    The struggle of the popular women’s movements that have become protagonists of great mobilizations is developing throughout the continent. In the case of Uruguay, these have reached 300,000 people on March 8, in Montevideo alone. These struggles have been making very important advances in the struggle for women's liberation and social equality.

    The imperialist exploitation of the natural resources of the oppressed countries is being aggravated, which is taking place in the midst of a great inter-imperialist contention over these resources and over the strategic infrastructure control. In Latin America China is making a great advance, both at the commercial level, where it is already the main purchaser in general, and in investments and infrastructure, ports and airports, also advancing in political influence.

    In our America the great struggles of the working class and peoples in the face of the crisis opened the way to the electoral defeats of the parties of the right in government, in Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Colombia, where governments oriented by various forms of “progressivism” were established. In general, they quickly disappoint their peoples by not taking the necessary measures to break with dependency and carry out the fundamental reforms essential to really improve the situation of the workers and people.

    In Bolivia the heroic struggle of the people managed to defeat the fascist coup that overthrew the MAS government, headed by Evo Morales, and in Peru the struggle against the institutional coup that overthrew President Pedro Castillo is persisting.

    FORWARD WITH THE STRUGGLE OF THE WORKING CLASS AND
    THE PEOPLES OF OUR
    AMERICA!

Piattaforma Comunista: The fight against sexual discrimination and identity policies

Scintilla, No. 137, September 2023

by Communist Platform – for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy  


Marxist-Leninist youth  

The fight against sexual discrimination and identity policies  

Some young comrades asked us to express our position on the social phenomenon of sexual minorities.  

We do so willingly, because this gives us the opportunity to clarify both the breadth of the proletarian revolutionary project and the fundamental difference that exists between our approach to the question and those based on bourgeois ideology.  

As young (M-L) communists we are for doing away with any discrimination, prejudice and marginalization based on sexual orientation and behavior, gender identity; we are for the recognition of the rights and existence of people and relationships "non-conforming" to the dominant rules and codes.  

This is particularly important in the workplace and office, as this represents an element of division, super-exploitation and control over the proletarian class.  

Experience shows that homosexual, lesbian, bisexual, trans or "atypical" proletarians – who express different aspects and relationships in the sphere of sexual behavior and gender expression of human beings, which vary in different eras and societies – suffer from greater oppression and are discriminated against in the workplace and outside, in school, in society. They often receive lower wages, are relegated to lower skills, are offended, bullied, assaulted, etc.  

These hateful, reactionary practices and policies, which are added to those that are racist, sexist, xenophobic, etc., are rooted in the capitalist system and its organization of labor, and worsen the material working conditions of thousands of proletarians, as well as making their health and daily existence more insecure.  

The relationship between the labor movement and associations for the rights of sexual minorities has existed for some time in various countries, including ours (e.g., FIOM [Italian Federation of Metal Workers] participates in "pride").  

The most conscious communists and workers know that they cannot allow the bourgeoisie to tell us who our enemies are, because the bourgeoisie itself is our class enemy. They therefore recognize the existence of different sexual orientations among proletarians who do not adhere to the standards of heterosexuality, but who should not be isolated or rejected, obscured or medicalized, much less should they become "fashions to imitate" to get "likes" on social media. At the same time, they also know the gains achieved in the period of socialism in this regard and fight to ensure the same rights and freedoms for all proletarians, without any distinction of sex, sexual orientation and gender, as well as ethnic origin, skin color, etc.  

The struggle against discrimination and homo-lesbo-transphobia, for the protection of discriminated, marginalized and attacked sexual minorities, for class solidarity, against all oppression and violence based on false prejudices, lies and anti-scientific judgments, is also a barrier to the policies based on the slogan "god, homeland and family" spread by the most reactionary sectors of the ruling class.  

This struggle – which is part of the more general struggle for a society without exploitation and social injustice – must be conducted on the basis of proletarian ideology, implementing the communist policy that aims to ensure working class hegemony over its allies in the struggle against capital. Therefore, they should not be conducted on the basis of a phantom "transgender ideology" and "identity" politics, which are typical of bourgeois and middle-petty bourgeois groups that adopt the method of divide and rule.  

Identity politics, in particular, is based on group (self) identity, and constitutes a political approach in which people with a particular gender and sexual orientation develop activities based on the recognition/respect of these identities, form separate communities and exclusive and inter-class socio-political alliances, follow radicalizing political movements that share with them a particular identifying quality and demand sectoral benefits.  

Such "post-modern" and subjectivist policies reject the concepts of class, class struggle and social revolution; they are supported and used by the ruling class to divide the proletariat into multiple groups and subgroups, to weaken it and distance it from its own class interests and final goals.  

It is also known that spy agencies (e.g., CIA, FBI, etc.) use identity politics for covert operations aimed at undermining, discrediting and neutralizing the activity of revolutionary and leftist groups, as well as movements fighting for women's emancipation.  

Although the issue of sexual discrimination is often covered in the media and has become one of the warhorses of the bourgeois left, to this day we are still far from overcoming it, precisely because of its total separation from the general question of the social and political development of society.  

We must therefore fight against social exploitation and oppression, against racism, sexism, discrimination, etc., from our Marxist-Leninist point of view, expressing our class and democratic demands, leaving no room for bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideologies and policies that in one way or another justify and aim to perpetuate capitalism.  

As one of our teachers effectively clarified:  

"Since there can be no talk of an independent ideology being developed by the masses of the workers themselves in the process of their movement the only choice is: either the bourgeois or the socialist ideology.  

“There is no middle course (for humanity has not created a "third" ideology, and, moreover, in a society torn class antagonisms there can never be a non-class or above-class ideology.  

“Hence, to belittle the socialist ideology in any way, to turn away from it in the slightest degree means to strengthen bourgeois ideology. (Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, 1902)  

Without struggle against social oppression, there can be no socialist revolution!  

Without socialist revolution, there can be no abolition of social oppression!  


Friday, September 01, 2023

PCMLE: The BRICS meeting and the inter-imperialist struggles + SIPRAL 27

SIPRAL 27, the 27th annual International Seminar, Problems of the Revolution in Latin America is being held through Zoom September 1st-2nd.  


En Marcha #2062, August 30 to September 5, 2023

Central Organ of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador  

The BRICS meeting and the inter-imperialist struggles  

 

Between August 22 and 24, the XV BRICS Summit was held in Johannesburg, South Africa, a bloc made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.  

This association of countries that emerged in 2008 as a parallel structure to the G7 (Germany, Canada, United States, France, Italy, Japan and United Kingdom), has been trying to consolidate itself and, at this meeting, the incorporation of six new members was approved: Argentina, Egypt, Iran, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia; whose participation will begin on January 1, 2024.  

This meeting cannot be analyzed without taking a political position on the stage in which humanity is living today. Imperialism is highly developed and concentrated capitalism, whose essence is the emergence of monopolies, cartels and economic groups that concentrate capital and commodities. This confrontation leads the imperialist powers to contest influence over markets, which leads to strong trade wars, and which in several cases even converge into great conflagrations.  

The resolutions taken by the BRICS show the strengthening of the bloc within the framework of the contest between the imperialist powers. It is not the emergence of a counter-power to the hegemony of the North, as many revisionists, Trotskyists and "progressive governments" point out. It is not a model for independent development of the peoples, it is an anchor of several countries to the imperialist powers such as China and Russia.  

Among the main elements identified in the final declaration are: (a) Strengthening of the coordinated macroeconomic measures and promoting local instruments of payment as opposed to the dollar; b) Reform of multilateral institutions such as the UN Security Council, as well as reform of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank; (c) Strengthening of the New Bank of Development, joined by Bangladesh, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates; (d) Reiteration of their national positions on the war in Ukraine and taking note of proposals for mediation for the peaceful settlement of the conflict. From this summary, it is worth highlighting the incentive to local currencies for the payment of international commercial transactions, an option that aims to build a BRICS currency that is not tied to the interest rates of the Federal Reserve of the United States.  

The BRICS resolutions show the strengthening of the partnership at a time when China is beginning a process of economic slowdown and requires a market to increase its investments. The same is happening with India and Russia, which is why this meeting allows for the strengthening of these mechanisms in the contest for the markets that these imperialist powers (China and Russia), have been carrying out with the United States. Therefore, they [the United States] do not like the idea of de-dollarizing the world economy so that the yuan and the ruble can become more broadly means of circulation and they do not need to depend on Washington's fiscal policies.  

While it is true that the new additions can mean an advance in Chinese influence, they also aggravate the management of agreements because the heterogeneity of the bloc can create contradictions, since countries such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are clearly subordinate to the United States.  

It must be clearly seen that this association does not represent an alternative for the workers and peoples of the world. On the contrary, we must put an end to imperialism and capitalism, sweep away their institutions and, on their ashes, build a society without exploited and exploiters.