Saturday, September 16, 2023

Colombian Corporation for Research and Popular Education statement at SIPRAL 27

PERSISTING IN THE STRUGGLE FOR CHANGE


  1. So far in 2023, the analysis of international events reaffirms the theses of Leninism on imperialism and once again highlights the validity and correctness of the utopia and the tasks of the international proletariat in this epoch.

As we have pointed out on other occasions, capitalism today maintains the fundamental features pointed out by Lenin in his book: "Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism," confirming at every step, in addition to its decomposition and agony, the impossibility of going back to the dawn of capitalism, free competition, "peaceful democracy" or the establishment of a society where souls atone and with a purified heart come equality and justice.

A fallacy generally used by those who confuse politics with religion is that of those who preach the salvation of capitalism and the opening up of a humane capitalism, which regains relations of equality, justice and solidarity between men and societies.

To insist on such theses at a time when the characteristics of imperialism, crises and social antagonisms are increasingly evident is not only to defend an anti-communist gimmick but also to side with those who seek to defend the indefensible. Humane capitalism is an impossible theory to realize, fallacious par excellence, which ignores the violence and injustice that is inherent in the capitalist system, yesterday and today, instrument of the rapacity of the monopolies, the profound private appropriation of profit, the extreme and increasing levels of oppression and exploitation, the fusion of monopolies and the state and the adoption of violence as the main method of securing property, power and domination, as well as war seen in the redivision, subjugation and destruction of the sovereignty of the peoples.

Returning to what was stated at the beginning, the decomposition and agony of capitalism in its imperialist phase is reflected in the most relevant facts of the current situation. The big banks and monopolies have closed ranks and are contesting for the domination and control of the planet and cyberspace; the imperialist powers, without avoiding war, are unceasingly promoting and establishing the formation of alliances and blocs for domination, supremacy, control and redivision of the world, the strategic areas, raw materials and energy resources.

The competition and struggle of the superpowers is also opening the way in technological matters, the battle led by the US, China, Russia, Germany, the United Kingdom, India, Japan, Switzerland, Sweden and the Netherlands are moving countless stocks and investments in the world, putting into play new forces and major economic, technological and social transformations. It is clear that in the immediate future the fourth industrial revolution. which is so much talked about these days, will lead to new ways of living, producing, working and relating. It is not a dream to say that the new economic and social activity will be nurtured by virtual and physical systems, which cooperate intelligently and flexibly at the global level. It is already foreseen that the widespread use of intelligent and connected systems will allow not only the fusion and combination of new technologies (genetic engineering, nanotechnology, robotics, quantum computing, renewable energies) but also new scenarios and social antagonisms.

The current battle between the US and China for control of Taiwan is leading to a whole geopolitical, economic and technological struggle. It is a secret to very few that 87% of the world's semiconductor production and market (microchip/integrated circuits used in all industries, electronic products, medical equipment, cars and industrial machines) are being monopolized by Taiwan, South Korea and China. It is also no secret that the "new oil" is in the form of a chip and that the movement and control of the world’s economy depends on it. Taiwan and South Korea also produce 83% of the chips for processors, with the growing demand for these, their scarcity could represent a superlative drag on the world economy. The control of the production of quantum computers (which use microchips below 6 and 7 nanometers, capable of processing high levels of information) would put any economy in check and that the new industrial and technological revolution will become another instrument of domination and redivision of the world.

It must therefore be emphasized that the action of the monopolies and in general all the violence used by the imperialists to increase their profits constitute a brake on the development of the productive forces and technical progress, because in some cases they limit it and in others they boycott it, always subjecting them to their designs and interests. It is true that social contradictions exist in the present and new dynamics of the world; it would be profoundly reactionary and obscurantist to deny them, to question them or simply to omit them, as opportunists of all kinds do.

The peoples and the different imperialist countries are insistently clashing over their interests, purposes and policies, while the competing imperialists strive to impose their countercyclical policies on the peoples. The peoples on the other hand are resisting, defending their sovereignty and rejecting the collusion and the society of the oligarchies (major and minor), the monopolies and finance capital which are seeking in the midst of the most extreme anarchy to raise their profits by placing the crisis on the shoulders of the working masses.

The working class likewise is clashing with the bourgeoisies of all kinds, not renouncing the strikes and the struggle to defend their demands and banners as a political subject. A new period in the emancipatory struggle is seen in highlighting the new challenges demanded by the new cyclical crisis and the new impulse to war and the redivision of the world.

The present facts lay bare the validity of the Leninist approach that warns that "Imperialism is capitalism in that stage of development in which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital has established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun; in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed."1

The facts also show that the present period is marked by the sharpening of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism: that between the social character of production and the private-capitalist character of appropriation. This having been shown, the accentuation and exacerbation of social contradictions, the inevitability of the revolution and the end of imperialism is undeniable in the current situation.

  1. In the context of the sharpening of the social contradictions that make their antagonisms more evident, these days the international situation highlights the escalation of confrontations in Ukraine, the high uncertainty of the arrival of the recession in several countries, the growth of inflation, the tightening of monetary policy, the anti-colonial struggle of the African countries, as well as the growth of strikes, work stoppages and in general of social mobilization against the countercyclical policies of the imperialists and their inter-state agencies.

  2. The war in Ukraine, as one of the most relevant events of this period, is continuing to show that war is not a matter of the past and that the current confrontations are not less serious than some unbelievers still think. We are witnessing an increase in confrontations for economic and political domination of the world, in this case by the bloc formed by the US, the member countries of NATO against the bloc led by the Russian Federation, China, India and Iran. In the concrete scenario today this is in Ukraine, but with the danger of opening up to other parts of the planet such as the Baltic, southeast Asia or Latin America to maintain and raise the confrontation as a trend.

In this sense the world conflagration is imminent and is increasingly spurred on to the extent that new countries enter the confrontation and is taken up by the imperial powers as the most viable alternative to the serious economic and social crisis that plagues the capitalist world and that deeply hits the governance and "stability" of international financial oligarchy in the different countries.

Disturbing in the acute panorama are the permanent violations of human rights and international human rights, the inability of the UN and its specialized agencies, the growing hardening and militarization of states, as well as the arms race that is rising in all areas.

  1. In economic matters, uncertainty and instability are increasing by leaps and bounds, showing the unbridled eagerness of the monopolies and banks to maintain maximum profit and increase the rate of profit.

High interest rates, rising taxes, austerity policies and tight restrictions on demand are becoming the main formulas of central banks and governments to curb the galloping inflation that affects most of the world's economies. The debt and its high interest rates are becoming a very strong noose for the dependent countries, mainly of Latin America, that are unable to comply with the dictates of the IMF, as well as of tracing a path of growth and development for their economies.

The slowdown of the Chinese and Russian economies, the recession in the US and the decline in most countries in Europe and Latin America account for the contraction of the world economy, estimates of the deepening of the crisis in 2023, as well as a possible economic crash or collapse similar to that of 1975 or 2008.

There are concerns about the high cost of fuels and the entire energy crisis associated with the use of hydrocarbons and coal that is becoming widespread and that encourages paralysis, the high cost of raw materials, fertilizers and food, in a context in which the interdependence of countries for their production and marketing is rising and deepening.

The neoliberal prescriptions promoted by the IMF and the WB, meekly accepted by the oligarchies of the different countries, barely satisfies the social needs that are deepening everywhere, the same happens with those who promote populist recipes or who call for consensus or the social pact (or class conciliation) as an alternative or solution to serious social problems. In times of crisis the gaze of the bourgeoisie becomes more short-term, reflecting its agony and inability to provide and satisfy social needs. Aggravated social and political problems, without a vision that makes it possible to face and get out of the crisis, the future of capitalism can only be that of greater agony, anarchy and uncertainty.

  1. Another important aspect of the situation that must be further followed up are the great effects of climate change. Since the industrial revolution, the earth's temperature has increased rapidly due to the increase in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions created by the growth of industrial activity, the burning of fossil fuels (oil, gas and coal), the destruction of forests and other human activities. Those who study the matter point out that, with the increase in temperature, the poles melt, the sea level rises and the coastal populations will be mostly affected. Agriculture suffers and food security is at risk. Climatic phenomena are more intense, frequent and unpredictable.

In the midst of antagonism and war, anarchy and competition for supremacy on the globe and in cyberspace, as elements that characterize the current international situation in times of crisis, the efforts and goals agreed to internationally are fruitless and ineffective. Thus, while the will and practice of the imperialist powers, the monopolies and the oligarchies of our countries go in one direction, in the opposite direction affirmative actions work for the diversification of the energy matrix, investment in renewable energies (the increases in investment are not commensurate with international needs), reforestation and care of forests, rivers and aquifer formations, as well as the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions (GHG), among other measures.

At this point we cannot fail to mention that today no country is exempt from the effects of pollution, hurricanes, tornadoes, strong winters, droughts, heat waves, etc. In addition, it must be a great concern of ours if we take into account what the UN said, when it points to Colombia as the third most vulnerable country in the world to climate change.

  1. Without fully emerging from the Covid 19 pandemic, in the last year workers have suffered deeply from the effects of the inter-imperialist war in Ukraine, debt, high taxes, rising fuel prices, the large decline in their incomes, the energy crisis and inflation. Wages have been diminished, on the contrary the burdens and sufferings grow. Insecurity and the curtailment of rights and freedoms fall like a sledgehammer, disabling projects and possibilities of a better future. Education, health care, housing, healthy recreation and sports in a context of crisis are also hit hard and the efforts of the popular sectors to access them are greater.

In fact, the oppression and exploitation of the broad masses has increased and the all-sided scenario in which the different countries are developing and suffering shows greater levels of alienation and social alienation.

The profits of the monopolies have also increased and with it greater control and reactionization of the states by the financial oligarchies, who are the ones that make the greatest apology for fascism, authoritarian solutions and war in times of crisis.

As a result of war and pauperization, hunger and growing inequality, and in general of enslavement and lack of opportunities, the world is once again facing a wave of mass migrations, perhaps the largest in human history. Millions of migrants in different parts of the world are facing death, hunger and poverty. The US, Canada, Spain, the UK, Germany, India and Saudi Arabia rank first in terms of the number of immigrants. All the above factors are pushing humanity and nature to greater ruin and hopelessness, in equal measure the only and most just alternative is the revolution and socialism.

  1. The panorama of recent months also highlights the resurgence of social mobilization in most countries of the world. We highlight the struggle for independence and sovereignty that is making its way in most African countries, which are courageously confronting French neocolonialism, the indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources, super-exploitation and the violation of individual and collective rights.

In the midst of the war, the absence of gas, the energy crisis, the rising inflationary wave and the arrival of winter, social unrest in Europe is growing, the rejection of the policies of the European economic community is widespread. Strikes, protests, work stoppages and mobilizations are growing and are having their effects. Several governments have fallen, others are about to fall as a result of the widespread rejection of the masses. The United Kingdom, France, Spain and Italy appear among the countries with the highest number of demonstrators.

Although there are no policy changes in sight from most governments in Europe, confidence in the fruits of the strike and mobilization is beginning to develop among the unions and of the parties left. The immediate future therefore shows greater confrontation and the leading role of the workers in defining the European policies. Another region where protests stand out is in Latin America. Colombia, Ecuador, Chile, Peru and Brazil have seen the highest number of demonstrators in recent months. The rise of the struggles of the masses is, however, quite widespread in all parts of the continent. The rejection of the high cost of living, high taxes, low wages, high costs of public services and transportation, and the budgetary cuts to health care, education, as well as subsidies for the most disadvantaged sectors are among the main causes of the growing mobilizations.

Relevant in the Latin American context is the victory of progressivism in countries such as Mexico, Chile, Bolivia and Colombia recently. Although they have not yet managed to demarcate lines with the neoliberal and populist policies that accompanied previous governments in their respective countries, the victory of these progressive candidates has made possible the raising of important popular banners and demands that continue to guide and mark the actions of the mass, democratic and leftist organizations.

The new electoral processes that are taking place in Colombia, Ecuador, Argentina and Venezuela highlight the contention in Latin America between those fascist-prone currents and defenders of US interference and the democratic, progressive and leftist currents. Although the dispersion among these currents has become very characteristic, we cannot ignore the role that each and every one of the members of these currents play in the global geopolitical contention, as in the outcome of the processes and confrontations that are taking place in each of the countries.

In the case of the political organizations identified by advanced thinking and those that make up this democratic, progressive and leftist tendency, the eagerness to enable greater mass leadership and achieve policies that bring about greater social relief in the midst of the crisis is highlighted.

The opening and strength of pro-fascist forces in Central America is disturbing. El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama, for example, are a reflection of the growing and almost omnipotent power of these oligarchic forces.

It is also necessary to highlight the advances of the popular struggle in the US, the appearance in this country of numerous social and political organizations, the rejection in events and mobilizations against the Biden government, as well as the manipulation that he has been doing before the public opinion of the question of abortion, the defense of migrants and the right to work.

  1. On the other hand, and striving to analyze the various situations in their proper context, we cannot lose sight of the danger that opportunist forces and especially social democracy in the region represent for democratic changes and the development of the various revolutionary processes.

Experience shows us that the bourgeoisie and all its parties and organizations adjust their discourse according to the pretensions they have as a class in power at a certain moment; in times of crisis their purpose is simply to strengthen their domination, opposing changes and the social revolution.

The opportunist forces likewise adjust their discourse and behavior, their purpose, whatever the manner in which they present themselves; overtly or covertly it is just to reconcile the working class with capitalism, to divide and accommodate the workers, their organizations and struggles in the interests of the ruling classes, to promote collaboration with the prevailing system, the state and its policies. They distinguish themselves because in exchange for and as a "prize" for their collaborationist action, they receive countless economic and political privileges.

In Latin America, many governments have been presided over by ideologues and agents representing opportunist forces, opposed to change and the social revolution; they take advantage of the difficulties and vicissitudes of capital to offer and provide their services and collaboration. In recent years, old and new theories have emerged that underpin the old revisionist and social democratic postulates, seeking to serve in some cases as a cushion, in others as a calming agent in the face of the crisis. Sustainable development, 21st century socialism, the citizens' revolution and humane capitalism are competing social democratic obfuscations in the region that are currently being used by different governments to cover up their bourgeois character, put the people to sleep, promote conciliation and distance them from the struggle for social change.

The progressive international, a variant of international social democracy, in which the current presidents of Mexico, Honduras, Colombia, Bolivia and Chile are active, defend these theories in different ways, but they agree in denying class antagonisms, promoting conciliation, pointing out as an unavoidable purpose in our societies the coming to agreement with the powerful (the oligarchs and imperialists) and the building of a peaceful democracy, friendly to life and the environment. In our concept it is another way of opposing the revolution and encouraging a "reform" of capitalism that accepts and leaves unscathed the profits of the great imperialist powers, the monopolies and finance capital.

Aware of this grave danger, the real forces of change, and especially the revolutionaries and as part of them the communists, have the historic challenge of unmasking in their content and forms, the old and new strategies and policies of agreement and collaboration of classes promoted by the opportunists and in the region the new representatives of social democracy who are advancing them. The current political scenario therefore reflects and fosters a complex and open struggle to win the masses and commit them to the defense and strengthening of a certain project.

On our part, in the perspective of power, we will join forces with democrats and revolutionaries who are preparing to deepen democracy, to raise social participation, confront neoliberalism and the imperialist policies, and in general with all the forces and organizations that fight hard to accumulate forces in favor of the workers and the people.

Seen in this way the panorama and the turbulence that characterizes it, the revolutionary forces must refine and strengthen our political link to the masses, in a perspective that highlights the transformations in favor of democracy, sovereignty and the social rights that the popular masses demand.


Corporation for Research and Popular Education – CIEP

1 Vladimir I. Lenin. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism.


Towards Marxist-Leninist Unity (TMLU) statement at SIPRAL 27

THE INTER-IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE AND
THE CLASS STRUGGLE IN THE U.S.

Towards Marxist-Leninist Unity


The most important inter-imperialist struggle in the world today is the war in Ukraine. It is a war between the puppets (particularly the neo-fascist government of Zelensky) of the. US-NATO and Russia. Because we are in the US, we have to place emphasis on the struggle against "our own" ruling class, although we have to make it clear that Russia is also an imperialist country to which we cannot give any support.

Unfortunately, our so-called "left" is very weak and mostly confused on this issue. The Social Democrats, particularly the Social Democrats of America (DSA), including Representative Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Bernie Sanders support the war, and vote for all funding for the war.

Most of the so-called "anti-imperialist" groups, on the other hand, support Russia in the war, although some only attack the role of US-NATO, without any mention of Russia's role. This also does not help to clarify the nature of the war as a war of redivision.

Only a few groups, such as the comrades of the American Party of Labor, explain the war as an inter-imperialist one.


How does the war affect the situation of the workers and the class struggle?


For many years the ruling class has mostly been waging its wars without using its own troops. In Ukraine, as they say, it is fighting "to the last Ukrainian." In other parts of the world it is using its military technology as drones.

In Ukraine the U.S. government has spent $113 billion as of June of this year, on top of the highest military budget ever. There are only three methods of paying for it, all of which have a harmful effect on the living conditions of working people:

1) raising taxes, 2) cutting social benefits, and 3) printing money, which leads to inflation. The present government is mainly using the second and third methods, particularly the third, because this can disguise the connection between inflation and war.

The corresponding rise in prices has caused some complaints among the masses, and has helped a rise in the strike struggle and trade union organization. Members of the Writers Guild of America (WGA) have been on strike for nearly four months, and have been supported by film and television actors of SAG-AFTRA, who have been on strike since July 14. They only avoided a strike by UPS teamsters because of government pressure on the union, and with a contract with a combination of good and bad elements, which affect the many part-time workers. Now the 150,000 automobile workers are fighting for a new contract. They are trying to reverse the concessions they made during the 2008 recession. Many workers at Starbucks and other companies are also organizing into unions.

One problem is that most of the masses do not understand the relationship of the deterioration of their living conditions and the war in Ukraine, and they do not understand why the US government is supporting the Ukrainian puppet government against Russian imperialism. It is the duty of every revolutionary, of every Marxist-Leninist, to explain this and to organize against the war.


USA – end the to support the neo-fascist government in Ukraine!

Dismantle NATO!

Russia out of Ukraine!


Puerto Rican Communist Workers and Students for Social Change (TECCS) statement at SIPRAL 27

 PRESENTATION BY TECCS


Good afternoon. Revolutionary greetings from the Communist Workers and Students for Social Change (TECCS) of Puerto Rico. First of all, we want to establish that our organization was formed in the face of the political and ideological vacuum in which our country, Puerto Rico, as well as other countries in the world, finds itself. Our name responds to the desire to distinguish ourselves from other organizations that identify themselves as Marxist-Leninists and communists, which in their methods of struggles and practices use legalistic methods to achieve power, while leaving intact the political, legal and banking structures. that make up the system of capitalist exploitation. In our case, Puerto Rico, a classic colony, dominated by Yankee imperialism for 125 years (1898), there is the dynamic in the anti-imperialist struggle of sectors of the left, which put independence of Puerto Rico in the foreground, thus subordinating the class struggle.

For us in TECCS, it is not a question of "Yankee go home" to make way for the national local bourgeois capitalist aspirants who, in the name of love for the country, continue to exploit the working class. There are those who think that the anti-imperialist struggle is a revolutionary struggle and we want to clarify that being anti-imperialist does not make them anti-capitalist or revolutionary. Nor do we believe that it is necessary, once independence is achieved, to go through the process of anti-imperialist bourgeois democracy and then enter the phase of the dictatorship of the proletariat. There are currently 35 independent (neo-colonial) capitalist Latin American countries. Being an independent country does not mean being a country free from exploitation. Therefore, we as a colony advocate the independence of the working class to free itself from all exploitation, whether it is from imperialism or from the aspiring local bourgeoisie.

We are living in difficult times. The currents and winds are moving in another direction. Uncertainty reigns. We do not know the future. But what is clear is that no empire lasts forever. We are seeing that we are living in a time of the displacement of the most powerful empire by another in the history of mankind. A new world social and political order is being forged. The globalists with their imperial agenda enter into struggle to preserve their control and hegemony. Inter-imperialist rivalry is the order of the day. The old Soviet bloc has become the battleground for the resurgence of the world fascist movement, with the support of declining U.S. imperialism and NATO, which is best represented by its acronym (Nazi Alliance Terrorist Organization).

This reality is not new. The difference is that its opponent is the second nuclear military power, Russia, and the second economic world power, China.

What role do the communists play in this new historical, conjunctural reality?

What are we to do? Where are we going? What should our tactics and strategies be?

How should we look at the current historical reality? How should we look at the reformists, social democrats and liberals? Should united fronts be created with center-left organizations? Should we participate in elections? Can socialism or communism be achieved peacefully or by elections? Is there such a thing as revolutionary nationalism? Is there progressive capitalism? Is it necessary to pass through the stage of bourgeois democracy? Is it necessary to pass through stages from semi-feudalism to bourgeois democracy and then to socialism? Are some capitalists better than others? Is there a less bad imperialism? Does being anti-imperialist make you revolutionary? Is being progressive the same as being revolutionary or is being of the left the same as being communist? What should our position be as communists on the LGBTQX struggle? What should be our position on racism and ethnocentrism? What should be our position on Pan-Americanism and Pan-Africanism? What should be our position on ethnic, racial and national chauvinism? Is wage labor necessary in the stage of development to communism?

Should we apply the principles of historical and dialectical materialism with its historically proven science or do we venture into other unknown horizons? How should we interpret and analyze this new global reality? Is Russia imperialist?

Do Putin and the Russian Federation represent the working class?

As communists, what should be our answers to these questions? Can we speculate on the answers or let ourselves be guided by the science of historical and dialectical materialism? In our organization, Communist Workers and Students for Social Change, we prefer to count on the science of the principles of Marxism-Leninism with its proven history, which, with all its victories and failures, is the only social-economic science that corresponds to our reality known as the class struggle.

Comrades, these are just some of the many questions we have to ask ourselves. The answers are not easy, but it is up to us as revolutionary communists to search for these answers if we truly aspire to change and to a new communist society free of exploitation. We will make mistakes, but mistakes are not the same as betrayal. Only revolutionary practice applying the principles of historical and dialectical materialism will lead us towards victory.

As for our country, Puerto Rico, it is the example of a capitalist industrial colony that does not need to go through the stage of bourgeois democracy. However backward contemporary colonial and neocolonial countries may be, the national and international relations are capitalist in nature. Therefore, we must not fall into the trap of supporting anti-imperialist local bourgeoisies. Ultimately, history has shown that eventually these so-called progressive anti-imperialist sectors will defend, first and foremost, their class interests: the exploitative capitalist system. Such is the case of the inter-imperialist struggle between the Russian Federation, Ukraine, NATO and the USA, which are fighting for the best piece of the pie. Fascism is nothing but capitalism in crisis and the current war between Russia and Ukraine is the struggle for who will control world economic political hegemony. As workers and communists we must see the class struggle from an internationalist perspective and stand in solidarity with the world working class who are the victims. Our slogan, the workers' struggle has no borders, the working class has no borders, is on the order of the day. As well as the slogan of Marx and Engels, "Proletarians of the world unite. We have nothing to lose but our chains."

Long live communism! War on war!

Long live proletarian internationalism!


BAP Atlanta SAYS FREE THEM ALL – Statement on Cop City Indictments

 BAP Atlanta SAYS FREE THEM ALL

Statement on Cop City Indictments


On September 5th, 2023, Georgia's Attorney General Chris Carr issued RICO (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations) indictments against 61 individuals who they allege to be part of a “criminal” conspiracy related to the Stop Cop City Movement.  Many of those indicted face concurring charges related to domestic terrorism or money laundering. 

At the core, these charges are both fraudulent and tyrannical. In the indictment, these charges were indicated as beginning on May 25, 2020 – the day George Floyd was murdered. How can that be anything but a warning shot to not only local Atlantans, but to everybody across the country fighting against police and state terror. Our history tells us that the State, when threatened, will drop all pretense of “rule of law” in order to crush resistance. Our current moment tells us this.

Compared to two years ago, the Stop Cop City Movement has spread far and wide into a burgeoning popular mass movement, no longer confined to the city limits of Atlanta, and our fire is getting bigger and they are doing everything to snuff it out! We must be vigilant if we are to stand against these tried-and-true methods of oppressions. We must be determined in freeing all of the political prisoners created from this struggle. 

And we won’t let anyone off the hook. Reports are saying that the same grand jury used to indict Donald Trump was also used to indict these activists. While we are not distracted by the Trump Trials, this context must be investigated. Therefore one must ask what level of collusion was there between Fani Willis, the Fulton County DA, State AG Carr, and of course the City of Atlanta? Grand juries are selected by prosecutors to virtually guarantee indictments. This must mean the Fulton County DA and State AG agreed to use the same group of people to rubber stamp both the Trump indictments (indicted under the same Georgia RICO statute) and these Cop City indictments.

We will not be distracted from what's happening in front of our eyes. It wasn’t just the Georgia State Patrol who carried out the extrajudicial murder of Manuel “Tortuguita” Teran in the Weelaunee Forest this past January, a murder they continue to cover up in these very indictments! And we can’t forget the City of Atlanta with Mayor Andre Dickens at the helm, spending the better part of his summer trying to sink a constitutional and legal referendum against Cop City with bogus legal challenges, leveraging some of the same legal tactics he slams his Republican opponents for!

The soldiers of the pan-European, patriarchal white supremacist system are in a United Front against Us, the People. It is imperative now more than ever that we strengthen our United Front against them. 

  • BAP Atlanta demands that all charges against Stop Cop City protestors are dropped,

  • BAP Atlanta demands that the Mayor Andre Dickens resign and the City of Atlanta cancel the Cop City lease,

  • BAP Atlanta demands that all political prisoners incarcerated in the state of Georgia be pardoned and released. FREE THEM ALL!

No Compromise, No Retreat!

BAP-Atlanta

bapatl [ at ] blackallianceforpeace [ com ]



Link to online version: https://blackallianceforpeace.com/bapstatements/copcityindictments [Distributed September 13th]


BAP: No to Blackface imperialism. Yes to Haitian Sovereignty.

 Oppose Foreign Intervention In Haiti

No to Blackface imperialism. Yes to Haitian Sovereignty.
 

On August 1, 2023, the United States stated it would “put forward a U.N. Security Council resolution that will authorize Kenya to lead a multinational police force to help combat gangs in Haiti.” While Kenya has offered to deploy a contingent of 1,000 police officers to help train and assist Haitian police, ostensibly to “restore order” in the Caribbean republic,” their proposal is nothing more than military occupation by another name. An occupation of Haiti by an African country is not Pan-Africanism, but Western imperialism in Black face. By agreeing to send troops into Haiti, the Kenyan government is assisting in undermining the sovereignty and self-determination of Haitian people, while serving the neocolonial interests of the United States, the Core Group, and the United Nations.

For the last two years, these imperialist forces have been pushing for further armed intervention into Haiti to forcefully uphold the illegitimate “government” they have installed to maintain their control. The occupying entities of the US, United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), and the Core Group have been desperately searching for any multilateral institution to lead this intervention, be it the UN Security Council, Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), and others. The goal is the continued denial of Haitian sovereignty.  

Haiti’s occupiers, the Core Group and BINUH, along with their puppet government, are incapable of ensuring healthcare, food, security, and access to basic needs for the people. We are told that the interest of the U.S. is humanitarian, that it wants to protect the Haitian people from “gang violence.” But we know that Haiti’s imperial occupiers have created the crisis and have fueled the violence against Haitian people.

The Black Alliance for Peace stands in solidarity with the Haitian’s people’s constant call for disbanding the Core Group, for an arms embargo against the Haitian and U.S. elite who import guns into the country, for the end of support for Haiti’s installed puppet government, and for the reinstatement of the fuel subsidies removed by order of the IMF.  It is curious that the Core Group and US/UN are calling for military intervention while not making calls to build either hospitals or schools, or to build the infrastructure for power and clean water. Yet, BINUH and the Core Group cooperate with the oligarchs who establish monopolistic domination through intimidation and force.

The ongoing occupation of Haiti and calls for increased foreign military presence in Haiti have been justified as the only solution to political or economic crises. Yet, the true ongoing crisis in Haiti is a crisis of imperialism. The country's economic and social situation has reached a critical stage, allowing for  increased political instability.

BAP demands that Kenya rescind their proposal to send 1,000 police to Haiti, and calls on the Kenyan people to join the Haitian masses and radical voices worldwide in condemning the continued occupation and governance of Haiti by the Core Group and the UN.

BAP calls on individuals and organizations in the United States, Canada, and the Caribbean and Central and Latin America, especially those member states of CELAC and CARICOM, to demand that their elected representatives SAY NO to any resolution at present or in the future to militarily intervene in Haiti.

BAP calls on individuals and organizations on the continent of Africa, particularly Pan-African organizations, to denounce African governments participation in present or future armed intervention into Haiti, and demand leaders of their countries seek true Pan-African alliances with the people and grassroots organizations of Haiti, in support of their sovereignty and self-determination – in line with demands of 60+ Haitian civic and social organizations in their letter to the African Union, dated 6 August 2023  (English | Francés).

BAP calls for popular movements in the Americas in support of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) 2014 call to make the Americas region a Zone of Peace.

 

SIGN HERE

 

Call, tweet, and email these demands to: 

Kenya: Ambassador William Ruto 

(202) 387-6101

Email: information [ at ] kenyembassydc [ org ] or complaints [ at ] kenyaembassydc [ org ]

Twitter: @KenyaembassyDC or @ForeignOfficeKE or @StateHouseKenya

 

Jamaica: Ambassador Audrey Patrice Marks

(202) 452-0660

Email: contactus [ at ] jamaicaembassy [ org ]

Twitter: @USEmbassyJA

 

The Bahamas: Ambassador Wendall K. Jones

(202) 319-2660

Email: EMBASSY [ at ] BAHAMASEMBDC [ ORG ]

Twitter: @bahamasembassy

 

CARICOM: CARICOM Secretariat

Turkeyen Georgetown, Guyana

Email registry [ at ] caricom [ org ] or communications [ at ] caricom [ org ]

 +1(592) 222-0001

Twitter: @CARICOMorg

 

UN: UN Secretary-General António Guterres 

(212) 963-7160

Twitter: @antonioguterres

 


No to occupation. No to foreign intervention. No to Blackface imperialism. 

Yes to sovereignty. Yes to a true Pan-African alliance between the people of Haiti and Kenya.  

#HandsOffHaiti



Link to online version: https://blackallianceforpeace.com/bapstatements/opposeblackfaceimperialisminhaiti [Di
stributed August 25th]


Haitian Socialist Regroupment for a New Initiative (RASIN) statement at SIPRAL 27

 THE STRUGGLES OF THE WORKING CLASS AND THE PEOPLES,

AND THE INTER-IMPERIALIST DISPUTES

We must explain why we have chosen to treat the main theme from a different perspective than the one proposed above, without departing from the spirit of the 27th International Seminar of SIPRAL (Seminar Problems of the Revolution in Latin America). To give it more emphasis, we will limit our development to the case at hand, that of Haiti as a theatre of struggle. Therefore, we call our contribution: "The Haitian popular masses and their struggles for their demands."

Although workers' struggles have an international character, we base ourselves on dialectical materialism to say that they are always related to the national specificities of each country. Karl Marx taught us this clearly in the Gotha Programme when he wrote that:

"It is altogether self-evident that, to be able to fight at all, the working class must organize itself at home as a class and that its own country is the immediate arena of its struggle. In so far its class struggle is national, not in substance, but, as the Communist Manifesto says, ‘in form.’  "1

In fact, Haiti is at the crossroads of two imperialist powers, France and the United States of America. And in recent years, Canada has participated as a logistical and complementary support for its large neighbor to the south. If in the past these two powers polemicized and defended divergent interests in order to seize the main national resources, the situation would change during the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

With the occupation of 1915, U.S. imperialism established itself, along with the dominant Haitian puppet cliques, as Haiti's main governing force. This new nation which, thanks to the very bravery of the slave legions, declared itself independent on January 1, 1804, after defeating the most powerful colonial, slave-owning and racist army of the time, that of Napoleon Bonaparte, no longer has a monopoly on its sovereignty. As I wrote in one of my articles in May 2011 "National sovereignty is still at half-mast".

The Haitian masses have never surrendered to the excesses of their reactionary governments.

The Haitian people, always against their successive governments, have never lost their fighting spirit. They have always jealously guarded their right to self-determination. Among other limitations, for example, during the 19th century several U.S. governments attempted to sign a perpetual lease with the Haitian government to make the Bay of Môle Saint Nicolas a coal deposit. Their measure has always been rejected. They had to take advantage of multiple internal and external circumstances so that, on July 28, 1915, they could invade and occupy the country by force in order to satisfy their imperialist ambition. However, this crime would never have been possible without the participation of the country's unpatriotic ruling minority. The invaders took advantage of the pretext of fratricidal struggles between different fractions of the large feudal landlords and compradors to carry out their crimes. They mobilized the peasant masses by offering them seductive proposals in order to come to power. More than one of the different strata of the population took the bait before they were disappointed, and far from establishing calm and peace, as they claimed, the occupation forces formed a prototype of a government that was unsatisfactory for Haitian realities but corresponded to their own interests. They defeated the indigenous army that emerged from the War of Independence and created their own army, a true watchdog of their advantages.

1 Marx in "Critique of the Gotha Programme", FLP Peking, 1972, p. 20.

Today, this army, after its dissolution by former President Aristide who came out of exile in 1994, has been replaced by a police force that plays the same role. It is this model that remains dominant to this day; a model that the popular majority has never accepted.

The Yankees were not and never will be welcome here. They were met by the guerrillas of Charlemagne Péralte in 1916 [DS note: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlemagne_Péralte ; October 10, 1886 - November 1, 1919, assassinated]. At the head of a guerrilla group made up mainly of members of the poor and middle peasant class, these fighters fought with obsolete firearms or almost unarmed for more than two years against this rising power. This peasant guerrilla against the US occupation lasted 5 years, from 1915 to 1920, and diminished after the assassination of Péralte and Benoit Batraville. It should be noted that petty-bourgeois intellectuals, professionals, trade unions and students also fought against the occupation, although this struggle had a different rhythm and temporality in relation to peasant struggles. This resistance has been fierce, determined and admirable. One of the immediate consequences of the imperialist invaders was the expulsion of the peasant masses from their lands for the benefit of the US capitalist multinationals. They were violently proletarianized in order to create surplus value in enterprises such as the Dauphin plantation in northeastern Haiti and the sugar factories of Cuba and the Dominican Republic. The racist white soldiers, whose vast majority were originally from the South, as usual without ethics, used the most mischievous tricks to put an end to the popular resistance, but without being able to destroy its spirit.

The second major guerrilla, which manifested itself during the years 1968-1969, was that of the Unified Party of Haitian Communists (PUCH), during the dictatorship of François Duvalier. This was also savagely suppressed by the Tontons Macoutes, the military and the CIA. Their goal was not only the end of the dictatorship, but also the building of a socialist society.

How to talk about the class struggle in Haiti?

If we mention these first two great struggles, one of which was identified as anti-imperialist and the other more complete, which had socialism as its ultimate goal, this does not mean that other forms of resistance never existed. The class struggle in our country has a special character because it has never been led by the proletariat. This particular character is not only due to its numerical weakness, as quality could be transformed into quantity, to quote Engels in "The Dialectics of Nature", provided that conditions were met. Among the obstacles that have been raised against the development of the national proletariat, we can cite the persistence of the various dictatorships that have succeeded each other in the course of our history, some of which were more ferocious than others, such as that of the Duvaliers, which lasted 30 years. Dictatorships also helped paralyze the proper development of progressive trade unions. There are several trade union federations. With some rare exceptions, such as that of Batay Ouvriye (Workers' Struggle), which is a left-wing organization, they do not espouse a left-wing ideology. Since the symbolic departure of the occupiers in August 1934, all successive governments have united with great tenacity against communism. Revolutionary parties always developed clandestinely until the fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier on February 7, 1986. Systematic anti-communist repression also greatly damaged the formation of unions close to the working class. This is one of our revolutionary tasks at the moment.

However, the Haitian masses have never surrendered to the atrocities of these reactionary governments. All the struggles that have been waged to overthrow reactionary governments have had an anti-imperialist character, because these governments have always been conceived in the laboratory of the U.S. embassy. If the working class is inevitably the ruling class of any socialist revolution, for the moment it is the masses of people as a whole who constitute the driving force of the anti-government battles and, therefore, of anti-U.S. struggles. We cannot fight our reactionary powers without associating them with their de facto boss, US imperialism and its ambassador, who behaves like a proconsul.

It is in this perspective that we, the Socialist Regroupment Party for a National Initiative of Tou Nèf (RASIN), declare that the Monroe Doctrine is still in force in Haiti. The following example alone can help us understand this statement.

"On Thursday, January 10, 2019, at the OAS, Haitian diplomacy, by order of former President Jovenel Moïse, voted in favor of the United States but against the legitimacy of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. The latter won the support of the majority of his people in an election, which resulted from an electoral system recognized even by former President Jimmy Carter as one of the best in the world. This system may be more reliable than that of the United States of America, which began to reveal its weakness with the election of the second Bush and the current Donald Trump. This infamous act consisted of a double violation: that of trampling on the internationalist principle of the founders of the Haitian nation-state and that of not having the minimum decency in politics to remember the benefits of a power that supported your government while the international community mocks you to the fullest extent of the term.

"This act has also demonstrated, once again, an obvious truth: the irreducible subjection of the traditional Haitian political class to US imperialism and the incoherence of the current leadership team. Haiti's ambassador to Caracas, Lesly David, officially participated in President Maduro's inauguration, while her colleague, Mr. Leon Charles, Haiti's representative to the OAS, voted against the Bolivarian revolution on behalf of the same Haitian head of state, who had recognized the victory. of President Maduro in May 2018, less than a year ago."1 This infamy is based on the logic of the Punta del Este vote of the Duvalierist dictatorship.

The vote of Punta del Este.

"On January 13, 1962, in Uruguay, at the seaside resort of Punta del Este, the Haitian vote of shame took place. The Organization of American States, OAS, or to put it better, the U.S. government, needed one more voice to get socialist Cuba out of this diplomatic tool founded in 1948. It is an instrument created by U.S. power to breathe new life into the Monroe Doctrine. That is why it has always been placed almost exclusively at the service of U.S. capitalist interests. The blackmail of dictator François Duvalier to sell his vote is further proof that the internal is decisive in conflicts, even with foreign powers. The sinister Papa Doc, who did not smell sweet to President Kennedy, made the support of his government conditional on financial aid. He resisted all the pressures of the U.S. diplomat Dean Rusk until he found what he was looking for, money for his power. The Alliance for Progress, founded the previous year by President Kennedy to block the road to communism, had brought him nothing. In reality, however, his primal anti-communism placed him closer to U.S. than to the Cuban revolution, as President Kennedy well knew. To defend his immediate interest, Duvalier was able to make a display of his determination to be independent. Anthony Georges-Pierre, who has always been a faithful Duvalierist, stated the following:

"On this occasion, President Duvalier had kept two irons in the fire. In condemning the communist regime in Cuba, he sided with the United States. By criticizing U.S. economic aid policy to Haiti, he took advantage of favorable circumstances to fight back and demand more reasonable U.S. assistance. The OAS rostrum in Punta del Este offered him an extraordinary opportunity to defend the Haitian cause and force the United States, in a gesture of solidarity, to open their wallets to poor Haiti."23

1 Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé. La doctrine Monroe est toujours en vigueur en Haïti (The Monroe Doctrine is still in effect in Haiti). Article published in Haiti Liberté of January 30 to February 5, 2019

2 Anthony Georges-Pierre “François Duvalier Titan ou tyran” (“François Duvalier Titan or tyrant” 2nd edition. Printed in Educa Vison Inc., p. 771

3 Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé Jr. – Ibid

The inter-imperialist conspiracy under the leadership of the CORE GROUP

Today, the country is under the control of an association of foreign embassies known as the CORE GROUP. The CORE GROUP is like a union of the most powerful embassies in the country, and brings together Canada, France, Germany, Spain, Brazil, the OAS, the United Nations and the European Union under the leadership of the United States of America. This association even gave itself the authority to appoint the country's presidents, as was the well-known case of Michel Martelly in 1910. The former representative of the United Nations Secretariat, Ms. Lalime, of U.S. origin, congratulated herself at a United Nations Assembly for having united the gangs that today besiege Port-au-Prince, the capital, and other parts of the country, committing the most heinous crimes .

Since the installation of this coalition of embassies, the popular masses have never ceased to mobilize against the reactionary governments and the foreign forces that support the latter in all their unconstitutional measures. As we pointed out earlier, the masses have initiated different forms of struggle in search of their well-being. Even if, for the reasons we have considered, these struggles have not been carried out under the leadership of the working class, they nevertheless have a class character. The various peasant organizations have always opposed the landowners, such as Têt Kole Ti peyizan Ayisyen and Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP). They claim the land for those who cultivate it. The working class, in addition to strikes within the assembly plants, often demonstrate in the streets demanding better living conditions. These demonstrations have always been savagely repressed, often resulting in deaths. Unfortunately, these struggles are not coordinated and remain very sectoral. This is one of the immediate tasks of the revolutionary parties. In more oriented protest movements, the masses, in a broad popular alliance, shout anti-U.S. slogans, in demonstrations supported by the revolutionary left, sometimes gathering several thousand people, even when these demonstrations were planned against the power in place.

The activists who claim to be left-wing are very numerous. But for reasons that must be studied on another occasion, they are content to live isolated from each other. However, for some six years many efforts have been undertaken to unify certain currents of the revolutionary left. We meet under the name ''Group of Five – RASIN, AKAO, Kontra Pèp, Ayiti Djanm, Gwoup Rezistans Benoit Batraville”. This effort is not limited. The regroupment is in negotiations with ASO to reach unity, without forgetting the peasant federations and the women’s associations of the left. The great perspective must be the task of the Haitian revolutionary left to unite to form a real force to accompany and nurture the popular masses, to participate in the transformation of their anti-U.S. instinct into a revolutionary consciousness.


Marc-Arthur Fils-Aimé

Secretary General


Camille Charlmers

Spokesperson


August 17, 2023