https://pcpml.net/2023/07/19/anotaciones-rumbo-al-paro-del-19-de-julio-de-2023/
Notes on the National Strike of July 2023
Statement of the Peruvian Communist Party (M-L)
Since December 7, 2022, a civilian-military dictatorship has been established that has been nothing more than a temporary agreement between the two factions of the bourgeoisie that have been in conflict for years: the big financial bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie. They decided together to form an alliance with the aim of stopping the advance of popular demands resulting from the greater politicization of the Peruvian working class. All parts of the State apparatus have coincided in this alliance, that is: the Executive, Legislative and Judicial Power; independent bodies such as the Office of the Prosecutor of the Nation, the Constitutional Court, the Ombudsman's Office, the National Superintendence of Higher University Education (SUNEDU), the National Body of Elections (JNE), the Municipality of Lima; as well as CONFIEP {National Confederation of Private Enterprise Institutions], the hierarchies of the Catholic and evangelical clergy, the traditional and corporate press; and of course, the repressive apparatus at their service, the National Police and the Joint Command of the Armed Forces in coordination with the US Embassy. In the same tune they encouraged, endorsed and executed the most brutal repression against the Peruvian working people in the last popular uprising of December 2022.
As a result of this agreement, the disorganization and demobilization of the working class was expected so that it would not be a danger or harm the interests of any bourgeois sector; the deregulation of economic sectors such as transport (ATU) and higher education (SUNEDU) favored the middle bourgeoisie. And the continuation of the mining-energy concessions, as well as the unlocking of other projects, was expected to increase the profits of the big financial bourgeoisie, which also ensures the domination of these resources under the influence of US imperialism, which is in conflict with Chinese, Russian imperialism and its allies.
However, more than half a year after the coup d'état of the murderous Dina Boluarte and the butchers Alberto Otárola and Williams Zapata, the alliance of the bourgeoisie has mainly meant profits for the sector of the middle bourgeoisie that continues to dominate Congress and has managed to take over several of the autonomous bodies of the State that were previously controlled by the financial bourgeoisie, such as the Constitutional Court (TC), Office of the Ombudsman, SUNEDU, Urban Transport Authority (ATU); These last two have served to deregulate economic sectors that were already concentrated by the companies of the financial bourgeoisie. Hence, the alliance that was formed at the end of last year is increasingly fractured.
The social outbreak of December 2022 passed without achieving the main demands of the popular movement: Departure of Dina, Closure of Congress and a Sovereign and Popular Constituent Assembly. The polarization remains and the mobilization has begun to take shape.
The big financial bourgeoisie that has managed to maintain its control over the concessions it already had, still fails to unblock the mining-energy projects such as Tío María and Conga, due to the resistance presented by the popular movement, not even ceding on paper the exploitation of lithium from Puno to the Canadians has allowed its extraction since the entire Peruvian South is mobilized. That is why it is understandable that the corporate press is increasingly willing to discredit Congress and also call for immediate elections. It is aware that the coup d'état of December 7 has not brought greater profit to the bourgeois sector that it represents, and that the permanence of Dina and Congress means that polarization remains and increases, leaving no possibility, in the short term, to unblock the mining-energy projects that interest it. And their situation is aggravated by the upcoming control that the middle bourgeoisie poses over the electoral system (JNE, ONPE, RENIEC) and the reactivation of the protests on July 19; thus leaving an ally that is always subordinate to the interests of the U.S. Embassy: The Joint Command of the Armed Forces.
On the side of the popular movement: The struggle, which did not achieve its objectives in the face of the attacks of the reactionary forces, obtained a psychological victory by unmasking the repressive character of the State, its class character and showing more clearly what social class directs it. More and more the working class understands the need to raise its economic demands to political ones and unify them in a first stage in the struggle to achieve the Sovereign and Popular Constituent Assembly.
The formal and informal proletariat, the poor and middle peasantry, and the progressive petty bourgeoisie are gradually emerging from alienation and economic immediacy, to understand that, if they do not acquire class consciousness and organize themselves with clear political objectives, they will not be able to provide a concrete solution to the economic backwardness of the country and will not be able to solve the crises that the inter-bourgeois struggles continuously generate.
In order to achieve the objectives of the popular movement, the National Unified Committee of Struggle of Peru (CONULP) was formed, driven mainly by the organizations of the Southern Macro Region, with which it hopes to overcome the strategic and tactical errors that were made in the outbreak of the summer of 2022. An attempt was made to overcome the lack of coordination and spontaneity, as well as the opportunist and conciliatory management of the organizations that lead the National Assembly of the Peoples (ANP) and the trade union centers that Patria Roja, PC-Unidad and Nuevo Perú lead. To date, however, CONULP has not been able to agree on a platform to guide the coming struggles.
The opportunism that still exists in the ranks of the popular movement has contributed to the fact that sectarianism, caudillismo and pragmatism remain and emerge. This, product of the fact that the Macro South which promoted it, continued and continues to lack greater participation of the proletariat. Among its organizations we find mainly the peasantry, merchants, progressive intellectuals of the cities and a smaller participation of the agricultural and industrial proletariat. The bulk of the working class remains under the influence of opportunist social democracy. And the CONULP, far from undertaking a tactic to win it, has engaged in internal struggles, in addition to believing that it does not need it to bring down the government or achieve the Constituent Assembly. Worse still, many of its leaders of the struggle prioritize more ethnic than class demands.
This has meant that, far from taking advantage of the polarization that remains and the discontent that is growing among the working class, CONULP has ended up officially leaving two weeks before July 19. Leaving in confusion and bewilderment a large part of that disorganized but discontented working mass that hopes to go out to fight with a vanguard and a plan of action organized by it. It does not seem to understand that the united front does not eliminate political independence, much less a temporary unity in action. It does not take into account that, if the same mistakes of lack of coordination and spontaneity are repeated, the already weak alliance of the bourgeois sectors will still be able to use all its tools of repression and manipulation to win this last battle before breaking its alliance.
The current debate on the restitution of Castillo or the advance of elections has served only as a pretext for the petty bourgeois caudillismo when it comes to ensuring the domination of its own spaces, without caring about sacrificing the outcome of the National Strike. They do not take into account that at least the fall of the government would give the necessary impetus for the working people to continue advancing towards the Constituent Assembly; and that if this is not achieved, it would bring the demoralization of the movement and the total delegitimization of CONULP itself or its two factions. They do not seem to see that the departure of the murderous Dina and her leadership is imminent, the dilemma will be whether the popular movement or the financial bourgeoisie will do it through some military coup when the threat of the struggle in July has passed.
It is necessary to be clear that the fall of the government thanks to the struggle of July would prematurely break the alliance that the two bourgeois sectors have in order to re-enter their struggles, because it would mean the departure of the political representatives of the middle bourgeoisie in Congress. By giving the working class the opportunity to take advantage of the divisions of the enemy while becoming aware that the struggle is bearing fruit, it advances in the formation of popular power and understands the historical role it has to play to seize the political power of the State.
The sectors that are contesting the advance of elections (without a referendum) or the restitution of Pedro Castillo have the same electoral interest. The former want to run immediately and the latter want to postpone the elections until they have the conditions to run.
But for both, elections are the end, not the means; and the struggle in the streets is a mere formality that can be conditioned as long as they do not resolve who will be able to apply it.
Faced with this situation, the Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) reaffirms its commitment to continue fighting so that the popular movement advances and the Peruvian working class can achieve its immediate and medium-term objectives. We will not lower our arms in combating the deviations of opportunist social democracy and the various petty-bourgeois deviations (Maoists, Guevarists or Tawantinsuyanas [the Inca empire was called Tawantinsuyu, referring to four parts in Quechua, and there have been appeals to its example of collective economics, indigenous government, and anti-colonial resistance in the Andes]) that, far from advancing the movement, intend to lead it towards failure for the benefit of the bourgeoisie and imperialism.
This July 19 we must all take to the streets, in a united front, so that the civilian-military dictatorship falls. Victory can only be possible guided by Marxist science that empowers the working class in its historic role of national and social liberation.
LONG LIVE THE STRIKE OF JULY 19!
ONLY THE PEOPLE CAN SAVE THE PEOPLE!, ALL INTO THE STREETS!
DOWN WITH THE CIVILIAN-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP!
LONG LIVE THE WORKER-PEASANT ALLIANCE!
LONG LIVE THE PERUVIAN COMMUNIST PARTY (MARXIST-LENINIST)!
BP of the CC. of PCP(m-l)
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